![]() ![]() ![]() "When the order went out, Smash the feudalistic nests of monks!," the writer Paul Theroux wrote, "the soldiers, Red Guards and assorted vandals made chalk marks all over the monasteries save these timbers, stack these beams, pike the bricks, and so forth. The first part of the book documents in considerable detail the escalation of inter-factional conflict in Lhasa, with violent battles being fought between the two factions by early 1967, and government offices and neighbourhoods in Lhasa controlled by one or the other faction. With the arrival of new Red Guards from inland China the campaign against established leaders within the Regional Party Committee intensified, with the radical revolutionary groups eventually combining to form the Gyenlo faction (the Revolutionary Rebels), while organisations supportive of the Regional Party Committee became Nyamdre (the Alliance). Ronald Schwartz wrote in China Perspectives, “As the Cultural Revolution began to unfold throughout China in 1966, the Party leadership in Tibet was uneasy about the prospect of unleashing Red Guards in Tibet. Mao sought to mobilize the masses to discover and attack what he called bourgeois and capitalist elements who had insinuated themselves into the party and, in his view, were trying to subvert the revolution.The first activists were young students called Red Guards, who began attacking their teachers and administrators, searching to uncover those who were following the capitalist road and had sneaked into the party. Unlike the standard Chinese Communist Party purges that took place entirely within the rarified air of the party itself, in the Cultural Revolution, the driving forces of the cleanup- Red Guards and revolutionary workers-were outside the party. In November, 2016 she was named one of the city's Literary Lions by the New York Public Library.In his book “On the Cultural Revolution in Tibet,”Melvyn Goldstein wrote: “In 1966, Mao unleashed the Cultural Revolution to eliminate his enemies and reshape relations within the party. She is a graduate of Fairleigh Dickinson University in Rutherford. She was born in Brooklyn, New York and grew up there, in Massapequa Park, Long Island, and in Rutherford, New Jersey. ![]() She has been a fellow at Harvard University’s Institute of Politics, and has taught in the history department at Yale University.īefore entering the Reagan White House, Noonan was a producer and writer at CBS News in New York, and an adjunct professor of Journalism at New York University. In 2010 she was given the Award for Media Excellence by the living recipients of the Congressional Medal of Honor the following year she was chosen as Columnist of the Year by The Week. A political analyst for NBC News, she is the author of nine books on American politics, history and culture, from her most recent, “The Time of Our Lives,” to her first, “What I Saw at the Revolution.” She is one of ten historians and writers who contributed essays on the American presidency for the book, “Character Above All.” Noonan was a special assistant and speechwriter for President Ronald Reagan. She was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Commentary in 2017. Peggy Noonan is an opinion columnist at the Wall Street Journal where her column, "Declarations," has run since 2000. He wrote-it is the epigraph of Frank Dikötter’s “The Cultural Revolution: A People’s History, 1962-1976”-“Who are our friends? Who are our enemies? That is the main question of the revolution.” ![]() stirring up trouble, sabotaging socialist productive forces.” The party had been “infiltrated” by pragmatists and revisionists. The problem wasn’t his disastrous ideology, it was, he wrote, “feudal forces full of hatred towards socialism. In the mid-1960s Mao Zedong, suspicious of those around him, wary of the moves of erstwhile Soviet allies, damaged by a disastrous famine his policies had caused, surveyed the scene and decided it was time for a little mayhem. But what I find myself thinking of these days is the ritual humiliations, the “struggle sessions.” No one knows how many died historians say up to two million. The Chinese Cultural Revolution was a bitter thing, a catastrophe comparable in its societal effects, and similar in its historical feel, to the terrors of Stalin and the French Revolution. Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution in China, 1966. ![]()
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